Just like the U.S. government, the Mexican government has a great responsibility to address the situation facing millions of Mexicans and their families at the Northern Mexican border and in the U.S. Concretely, this responsibility manifests itself through socio-economic conditions created by development models adopted by the Mexican government in the early 1980s. Another issue is the infrequent and inefficient consular action in defense of the human and labor rights of Mexican immigrants in the U.S.- rights which are consecrated in international agreements to which Mexico is a signatory.

The Mexican state prioritizes economic and commercial relations over the defense of its sovereignty. When their investment interests or structural adjustment programs are threatened, Mexican officials at the highest level are willing to negotiate with Washington to defend their economic interests. It doesn't matter if the U.S. produces laws and unilateral operations which affect immigrants of Mexican origin, laws which violate international norms and are contrary to good-neighbor-politics; it doesn't matter how many immigrants die or are injured in their quest to work or join their families in the U.S.; it doesn't matter that these migrants face the constant violation of human rights by U.S. authorities. Non-governmental organizations which assist migrants and defend their rights have insisted that we confront the structural dimensions of this social problem through concrete action. Steps towards this end include:

The signing of bilateral migration accords to ensure the special protection of women and children captured by the INS; to allow access to detention sites and deportation schedules, especially of women and children; to avoid the separation of families during capture and deportation; to prevent the deportation of women to far-off areas; and to avoid unfair, discriminatory, and humiliating treatment during the capture, transport, and deportation of immigrants.

The strengthening of consular protections, including hiring more trained personnel for the principle Mexican consulates in the U.S.; allowing for more visits and attention to special cases in INS detention centers; and the installment of an emergency 800-number so that any person in Mexico or in the U.S. can obtain information about family members who may be detained, injured, or lost.

The implementation of programs on the Northern Mexican border for employment; assistance in the voluntary return for migrants in extreme or crisis situations; medical and psychological assistance for migrants who may be injured, hurt, or in crisis; and to enact effective sanctions against public servants who violate migrants' rights. This point arises because of the unconstitutional arrest and detention by the Mexican police of migrants who do not carry proper identification.

Permanent campaigns in areas which migrants frequent to inform them of the risks of crossing into the U.S. with false documents, without documents, or by falsely declaring citizenship, and of returning after a conviction or after helping someone else immigrate with false papers, or of fleeing a checkpoint at high velocity. These campaigns should also educate about the dangers that mountains and desert terrain can pose to their physical and mental health and the possible negative consequences of hiring a "coyote." Campaigns should also be directed at families in the U.S. so that they can inform their relatives about the risks of undocumented migration.

Exerpted from "The New North American Politics of Immigration: Antecedents, Impact and Consequences" (in Spanish.) Raul Ramírez is director of Casa del Migrante in Tijuana. He is also a members of Centro del Apoyo al Migrante. (Translated by Sasha Khokha)